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Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WEBSTiR.N.Y.  149tO 

(716)872-4503 


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4^ fix 


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CIHM/ICMH 

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Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


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D 


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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagde 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
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10X 

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30X 

y 

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16X 

aox 

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32X 

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to  tho  ganorosity  of: 

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Tha  imagat  appearing  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
poaalbia  considaring  iha  condition  and  laglbllity 
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da  la  nattatd  (ta  Taxamplalra  fiimA,  at  9n 
conformity  avac  lat  condltlont  du  contrat  da 
fiimaga. 


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tion.  or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
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Let  exemplairet  originaux  dont  la  couvarture  en 
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d'imprettion  ou  d'illuttration  at  en  terminant  par 
la  darniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  latt  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
thall  contain  the  tymbol  — i»>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  tymbol  y  (meaning  "END"). 
whichever  appliat. 


Un  det  tymbolet  tuivantt  epparaftra  tur  la 
darnlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  teion  le 
cat:  le  tymbole  — »•  tignifie  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
tymbole  V  tignifie  "FIN". 


Mapt.  platet,  chartt.  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratiot.  Thote  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  expoture  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  end  top  to  bottom,  at  many  frames  at 
required.  The  following  diagramt  iiluttrate  the 
method: 


Let  cartet.  pianchet.  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fiimte  A  det  taux  da  riduction  diffArantt. 
Loraqua  la  document  eat  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reprodult  en  un  teui  clichA,  ii  ett  tiimA  A  partir 
de  i'angle  tup4rleur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bet,  en  prenant  la  nombre 
d'imeget  nAcettaira.  Let  diagrammet  tuivantt 
iliuttrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

"S-f 


/: 


J, 


■ 


SPEECH 


OF 


HON.  J.  BEINKERHOFF,  OF  OHIO, 


ON 


THE    OREGON    QUESTION. 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES.  MONDAY,  JANUARY  5,  1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

BLAIR  &  RIVES,  PRINTERS. 
1846. 


B  ?  S7 


1 


THE    OREGON    QUESTION. 


The  Resolution  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs,  requiring  the  President  to  notify  Great 
Britain  of  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Orei;;oii,  and  to 
abrogate  the  convention  of  1827,  being  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  BRINKERHOFF  addressed  the  committee 
as  follows  : 

Mr.  Chairman  :  When  I  declare  that  it  is  wjth 
great  reluctance  that  1  have  brought  my  mind  to 
the  conclusion  to  take  part  at  all  in  this  (lebatc,  and 
that,  consulting  my  own  feelings  alone,  I  should 
not  liave  attemptea  to  do  so,  it  will  probably  gain 
very  little  credence  here.  It  is,  nevertheless,  true. 
I  design,  however,  to  say  a  few  words,  and  but 
a  very  few  words,  on  the  resolution  before  the 
House,  and  that  solely  for  the  purpose  of  placing 
tlie  ground  of  my  action,  upon  a  question  which  is 
admitted  to  be  one  of  so  much  moment,  before  my 
own  immediate  constituency. 

Throughout  the  whole  course  of  this  debate  here, 
and  in  all  the  discussions  of  this  Oregon  ques- 
tion, which  have  occupied  the  public  press  through- 
out the  country,  one  gratifying  fact  has  manifested 
itself,  and  that  is,  the  entire  unanimity  of  Congress 
and  of  the  country  as  to  the  validity  of  the  Ameri- 
can title  to  Oregon. 

From  the  venerable  gentleman  from  Massachu- 
setts, [Mr.  Adams,]  who  has,  with  so  much  spirit 
and  energy,  advocated  the  notice  proposed  by  the 
pending  resolution,  to  the  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina,  [Mr.  Rhett,J  who  with  such  impassion- 
ed vehemence  opposed  it — on  every  hand,  and  upon 
all  sides,  it  is  not  only  admitted,  but  insisted,  that 
the  American  title  to  Oregon  is  "  clear  and  un- 
questionable," indicating  that,  v/hatever  may  have 
been  the  extent  or  the  bitterness  of  our  partisan 
differences  on  other  questions;  whatever  may  be 
the  consequences  to  arise  from  our  action  here,  we 
shall  present  to  the  country  and  to  the  world  a 
united,  an  unbroken  front. 

1  have  just  risen  ft-om  a  somewhat  careful  read- 
ing of  the  correspondence  between  the  plenipoten- 
tiaries of  the  two  nations  in  regard  to  tliis  contro- 
versy. I  had  been  told,  previous  to  the  reading, 
of  the  triumph  of  the  American  negotiator— of  the 
conviction,  amounting  almost  to  utjsolute  demon- 
Btration,  which  his  clear  and  masterly  expose  of 
our  rights  was  calculated  to  produce — of  the  per- 
fection of  our  title,  as  against  Great  Britain,  to  that 
country ;  but  I  must  say,  like  the  Q,ucen  of  Sheba, 

i     >, ,  if  ".V    S    i  d 


when  gazing  on  the  .architectural  wonders  of  .Teru- 
salem,  that  I  had  not  hoard  the  half  of  it;  and  1  be- 
lieve that  any  unprejudiced  man,  of  any  country  or 
of  any  party,  w!io  will  read  that  correspondence, 
must  feel  that  the  honor  of  our  country  is  enlisted 
in  the  maintenance  of  our  poscssions  there,  be- 
cause— and  that  is  reason  enough — becmise  that 
country  is  of  right  our  oicn.  I  agree  with  the  gentle- 
man from  Indiana  FMr.  Kennedy]  upon  this  point — 
and  not  upon  ttus  only,  but  upon  many  others, 
I  may  say  upon  all  other  points  I  agree  with  him— 
that  when,  for  all  the  purposes  of  this  debate,  it  is 
admitted  that  Oregon  is  ours,  wc  may  make  our- 
selves easy  as  to  the  consequences  that  are  to  fol- 
low from  the  assertion  of  our  title;  for,  whatever 
these  consequences  may  be,  wc,  who  ttike  the  re- 
sponsibility of  that  action,  may  fall  back,  with  con- 
sciences quiet  and  easy,  ufjon  the  consciousness  of 
having  been  actuated  by  a  sense  of  duty,  and  by  a 
regard  to  the  rights  and  the  honor  of  the  country. 

I  go  for  the  notice,  sir.  1  have  all  along  been  of 
the  opinion  that  the  notice  should  be  given;  but  I 
will  say  that  I  am  extremely  gratified  to  find  my- 
self in  this  position,  in  the  company  with  which  I 
am  surrounded.  I  was  extremely  hapjjy  to  learn, 
fi\jm  the  report  of  the  debate  on  this  floor,  (for  I 
had  not  the  pleasure  of  listening  to  the  gentleman,) 
that  the  venerable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
had  taken  that  position.  Firm  as  are  my  own  con- 
victions, I  confess  I  am  glad  to  fortify  tnem  by  so 
high  authority;  and  I  am  glad,  fu'ther,  that  the 
reproach  which  had  begun  so  extensively  to  be 
insinuated  through  the  country,  that  all  this  move- 
ment is  the  result  of  the  action  of  hair-brained,  hot- 
headed young  men,  trying  to  |)lay  the  statesman, 
has  been  removed  by  the  st^inu  which  that  gentle- 
man has  taken  upon  the  question.  It  is  not  these 
hair-brained,  hot-headed  young  men  alone  that  ad- 
vocate this  measure.  It  has  the  advocacy  of  sage 
experience — of  a  man  who  literally  stands  in  the 
midst  of  posterity,  whose  life  is  in  the  past,  and 
whose  only  ambition  is,  not  for  the  future,  but  for 
the  correct  discharge  of  those  responsibilities  which 
attend  the  dose  of  human  existence. 

But  although  it  is  admitted  throughout  that  the 
American  title  to  Oregon  "is  clear  and  unquestion- 
able," yet  the  fact  of  the  joint  convention  of  1827 
exists.  We  have  by  the  terms  of  that  convention 
admitted  Great  Britain  to  a  kind  of  partnership  in 
it;  .she  has  a  recognised  tenancy  there  which  can 
only  be  terminated  by  one  year  s  notice;  and  the 
question  is  not  as  to  the  original  propriety  audpoU 


r 


icy  of  tliia  convention.  It  exists;  and  the  qur.stion 
is,  Shcill  we  dissolve  til  is  pf\rtnfrshi|)?  81udl  \vc 
pet  rid  of  this  tonimfy,  l>y  c;ivini!;  tlu;  other  party 
notieo  to  (|uit?  ft  is  said  tliis  is  tMvarli'cr  incasure. 
But  I  n  pout  what  others  have  said  who  have  spo- 
Icen  before  me,  that  I  cannot  discover  finytiiin^-  of 
that  character  in  it.  We  dissolve  the  i)artiurship, 
sir  ;  but  we  do  it  in  strict  conformity  wiih  tlic 
stipulations  of  the  ur'iclcs  of  jiartnership;  we  give 
the  tenant  notice  to  quit,  but  it  is  in  nceordance 
with  the  ex[)re;-is  j)rov!sions  of  tlie  lea.se.  So  far 
from  violatittjj;  any  treaty — which  everybody 
knows  would  be  a  cause  of  war — wi;  are,  in  j;:iving 
notice,  acting;  in  strict  conformity  with  the  provis- 
ions of  the  treaty,  and  ai'e  earryinij;  out  a  measure, 
foreseen,  anticipated,  provided  for  liy  the  treaty 
which  i.s  to  beabro^-ated.  It  is  not  tlun  a  warlike, 
it  is  a  treaty  measure,  a  peace  measure,  and  nothing 
else. 

"  But,"  ask  gentlemen,  "  why  should  the  part- 
nership be  terminated  ?  Why  should  the  conven- 
tion be  abrogated  .'  What  reason  exists  for  it?" 
We  might  properly  ask  them  to  advance  positively 
■what  reasons  exist  for  its  eontinuance.  They  have 
given  no  .satisfactory  reason  of  that  kind — at  least 
no  reason  satisfai^tory  to  my  mind.  I  will,  how- 
ever, state  briefly  the  reasons  why  I  am  in  fovor 
of  abrogating  the  convention.  And,  in  the  first 
place,  I  am  in  favor  of  it — in  favor  of  giving  this 
notice — because  Great  Britain,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
has  under  this  convention  all  she  ask.s.  Great  Brit- 
ain has  offered  to  compromise  on  the  line  of  the 
Columbia  river.  We  have  offered  the  line  of  49°. 
Who  has  the  intervening  territory  between  these 
two  points?  I  ask  you,  sir:  Have  we?  If,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  we  had  the  possession  and  occu- 
pancy atid  the  usufruct  of  the  disputed  territory 
between  the  Columbia  river,  which  was  her  ofier, 
and  the  line  of  49°,  which  was  ours,  then  there 
might  be  a  cause  for  continuing  the  convention  in 
force.  But  she  has  it,  as  a  matter  of  fact;  and  thus 
she  is  actually  in  possession  of  all  she  claims  and 
all  she  asks.  We  have  a  sriall  population  in  that 
territory,  I  grant;  but  none  of  it  north  of  46°.  We 
have  not  a  solitary  f^imily  north  of  the  Columbia 
river.  They  arc  exclude '  from  it  by  the  circum- 
stances of  tiic  case,  by  the  British  occupancy  of 
the  northern  bank  of  that  river,  by  the  adverse  in- 
fluences which  arc  brought  to  bear  on  American 
settlers  there.  The  fact  stated  by  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Owev,]  that  an 
American  settler,  v/ho  had  undertaken  to  plant 
himself  on  the  northern  bank,  had  been  bought 
out  by  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  by  the  payment, 
on  its  part,  of  a  liberal  sum — that  fact  speaks  vol- 
iimes  on  this  s\ibject.  It  is  true  that  the  gentleman 
from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Rhett]  undertook  to 
ridicule  this,  v/hen  considered  as  an  objectionable 
fact,  by  intimoting  that  it  was  a  ftivorable  specula- 
tion for  the  settler.  But  suppose  t'.at  you  admit 
that  it  was  advantageous  to  the  individual  settler, 
the  question  is,  whether  it  is  policy  for  us  to  per- 
mit such  influences  to  exist  there  ?  It  may  be  fa- 
vorable to  the  individual  settler,  but  is  it  favorable 
to  the  American  interests  in  Oregon  ?  And  when 
the  Hudson  Bay  Company — unquestionably  desir- 
ous of  peace,  so  long  as  their  interests  can  be  main- 
tained to  the  full  extent  by  peaceful  measures — are 
willing  thus  to  sacrifice  their  money  to  retain  the 
territory  north  of  the  Columbia  river,  what  meas- 


ures would  they  not  be  willing  to  resort  to,  if  these 
peaceful  n\casures  should  f;ul  to  accomplish  their 
ends.  This  fact  shows  the  existence  of  a  determi- 
nation on  the  partof  Greitt  Britain,  orof  her  agent, 
th<;  Ihulson  Bay  Conipiuiy,  "  pea(;eably  if  she 
can,  for(,il)Iy  if  she  must,"  tt)  keep  possession  of 
the  northern  bank  of  that  river.  And  this  is  all 
Great  Britain  a.sks  even  when  treating  uiion  thai 
subject.  Our  i)o.';ilion,  therefore,  cannot  ne  made 
worse  by  giving  this  notice.  Great  Britain  desires 
the  contmuance  of  this  convention;  and  the  suppo- 
sition on  her  part  that  the  notice  will  not  be  given, 
that  the  convention  will  be  preserved  in  force — that 
she  can  thus  continue  to  derive  all  the  advantages 
from  the  existing  convention  tiiat  she  would  derive 
from  a  treaty  on  the  basis  of  the  Columbia  river, 
is  a  reason  why  our  liberal  and  generous — too  lib- 
eral and  generous — ofler  of  compromise  on  the  49lh 
degree  was  so  summarily  rejected. 

The  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr. 
RuF.TT,]  in  attempting  to  frighten  us  and  the  coun- 
try from  the  vigorous  maintenance  of  our  rights  in 
Oregon,  tells  us  that  the  cross  of  St.  George  waves 
over  thirty  British  forts  in  Oregon,  and  that  when 
you  assert  these  rights  you  must,  by  force,  tear 
down  the  cross  and  place  our  flag  there  in  its  stead. 
A  .strange  argument  this  for  a  gentleman  to  use  who 
advocates  the  continuance  of  fiiis  convention!  This 
state  of  things  has  occurred  under  the  existence  of 
this  convention;  it  is  while  this  convention  has 
been  in  force  that  these  forts  have  been  erect(  d  and 
maintained;  and  if  twenty  years  have  resulted  in 
the  erection  and  manning  of  thirty  British  semi- 
military  posts  there,  while  we  have  not  one,  what 
are  wc  to  expect  from  the  further  continuance  of  it? 

Aijain,  sir:  I  would  give  the  notice  because  the 
President  has  recommended  it.  The  Constitu- 
tion has  confided  to  him  the  conduct  of  the  for- 
eign relations  of  the  country.  He  has  had  charge 
of  the  late  negotiations  on  this  sid)ject;  he  knows 
— what  we  do  not  know,  and  cannot  know — all  the 
secrets  of  these  negotiations;  and  a  recommenda- 
tion coming  from  such  a  source  has  weight  in  my 
mind.  Who,  in  connexion  with  this  c^uestion, 
doubts  either  the  entire  patriotism  of  the  President, 
or  the  eminent  ability  of  the  distinguished  Secretary 

"  arged  with  this 
to  say,  no  one. 
They  have  taken  the  responsibility  of  this  recom- 
mendati')n:  letus  not  shrink  from  the  responsibility 
of  sustaining  them.  Let  us  present  to  our  adversary 
and  to  the  world,  not  only  a  united  people,  but  a 
united  Government.  Let  there  be  no  conflict  be- 
tw^een  Congress  and  the  Executive  on  this  question 
with  a  foreign  power.  How  sadly  will  our  posi- 
tion be  weakened  by  any  such  conflict!  Should 
we  refuse  to  follow  up  the  Executive's  recommend- 
ation and  give  the  notice,  what  will  be  the  re- 
sult? Great  Britain  will  be  emboldened,  and  the 
arm  of  the  Executive  paralyzed,  by  the  supposi- 
tion that  he  does  not  possess  our  confidence;  and 
she  will  fling  into  his  teeth  the  bitter  taunt — hu- 
miliating alike  to  him  and  to  the  country — "You 
do  not  possess  the  confidence  of  your  nation;  you 
have  not  the  power  to  carry  out  the  measures  which 
your  jiulgment  dictates;  you  are  the  constitutional, 
but  not  the  real,  organ  of  your  nation's  will;  the 
repr(?sentative3  of  your  own  people  have  made  you 
impotent  alike  for  good  orcvil;  and  I,  happily,  am 
content  with  my  present  position."    Sir,  is  there 


who  has  been  more  particularly  cha 
subject?     No  one,  sir;  I  venture  to 


•t  to,  if  these 
implish  tlioir 
of  a  (it'trnui- 
of  luMiu^rnt, 
eal)ly   if  .sli« 
-idRsession  of 
nd  this  is  all 
iig  ujioii  thai 
luoi  1)0  made 
litain  desires 
ul  the  sup]M)- 
not  1)e  given, 
in  forec— that 
ic  advanlafjes 
would  derive 
)lumbia  river, 
rons — too  lib- 
se  on  the  49lh 

irolina,    [Mr. 
and  the  coun- 
f  our  rights  in 
George  waves 
md  that  when 
by  foree,  tear 
re  in  its  stead, 
lan  to  use  who 
ivcntion!  This 
10  existence  of 
onvention  ha.s 
sen  erected  and 
ive  resulted  in 
■  British  semi- 
not  one,  wluat 
itinuance  of  it.-' 
lc('.  because  the 
The  Conslitu- 
uct  of  the  for- 
las  had  charge 
ect;  he  knows 
know — all  the 
rccommenda- 
weight  in  my 
this  question, 
the  President, 
shed  Secretary 
irgod  with  this 
say,  no  one. 
of  this  recom- 
responsibility 
our  adversary 
1  people,  but  a 
no  conflict  be- 
this  question 
will  our  posi- 
flict!     Should 
's  recommend- 
ill  be  the  re- 
ened,  and  the 
the  supposi- 
nfidcnce;  and 
taunt — hu- 
iuntry— "You 
^ir  nation;  you 
leasures  which 
constitutional, 
's  will;  the 
lavc  made  you 
,  happily,  am 
Sir,  is  there 


Iter 


a  man  on  this  floor  that  will  willingly  subject  the  ' 
President  of  the  United  States — no  matter  to  what  \ 
party  he  may  belong — in  his  intercourse  with  a  I 
foreign  GoveVnment  already  suiri<'-icntly  hangluy,  ' 
to  tiie  necessity  of  listening  to  language  like  thi.-f?  ' 
A  man  who  would  thus  embolden  the  heart  and  [ 
stHMiglheii  the  arm  of  our  adversary? — thus  jialsy 
the  department  of  our  Government  which  is  our 
only  medium  of  intercourse  with  the  powers  of  I 
the  world?  I  hope  not,  sir;  I  devoutly  hone  not.  | 
But,  sir,  there  is  another  reason  why  this  notice  ! 
should  be  given.  Our  peo]ile  are  in  Oregon;  they  ' 
demand  to  be   rirotected  there.     Tlicy  have  gone 


there  without  law;  they  have  none,  exeejit  such 
as  they  have  temporarily  established.  They  ask 
the  extension  of  our  laws  over  them;  they  ask  a' 
legal  title  to  the  lands  which  they  are  nclaiming ' 
from  the  wilderness,  and  rendering  valuable  by  ; 
cultivation  and  improvement;  and  to  be  protected 
in  "life,  lil)erty,  and  the  pursuit  of"  property 
and  "  happiness;;"  and  against  the  impending  force  I 
of  surrounding  savages  under  English  iiitluence 
and  subsidy.  They  liave  hearts  of  truo  allegiance 
towards  us;  and  we  cannot  deny  that  req.iest  with- 
out alienating  their  affections  from  us.  Can  wc  ?  I 
ask  any  gentleman,  whatever  his  opinion  on  this 
subject,  to  answer  me  this  question:  can  you  con- 
tinue to  retain  the  allegiance  of  those  settlers  in 
Oregon,  if  you  refuse  to  protect  them?  The  Hud- 
son Bay  Company — we  have  it  officially — are  al- 
ready urging  these  settlers  to  set  up  for  them- 
selves, and  to  declare  themselves  independent  alike 
of  us  and  of  every  other  nation.  Let  us  delay  a 
little  longer,  and  that  appeal  will  acquire  force;  for 
allegiance  and  protection  arc  reciprocal  ol^ligations. 

"But,"  say  gentlemen,  "we  intend  to  extend 
our  laws  over  our  citizens  in  that  territory.  Great 
Britain  has  done  the  same  thing.  We  have  a  right 
to  the  same  action."  Very  well;  some  are  of 
opinion  that  wc  ^  ive  not  that  right.  But  suppose 
wc  do  thus  extend  our  laws;  you  will  have  a  king- 
dom within  a  kingdom;  you  will  have  the  laws 
and  jurisdictions  of  two  nations  overlapping  each 
other;  you  will  have  the  British  laws  over  one 
man,  and  the  American  laws  over  another,  in  the 
same  cabin;  and  how  will  you  prevent  the  conflict 
of  jurisdiction,  resulting  inevitably,  necessarily, 
speedily,  in  the  conflict  of  men,  of  force,  of  power. 
I  thhik  the  argument  of  a  distinguished  Senator 
from  Michigan,  [Mr.  Cass,]  as  reported  in  the  pub- 
lic papers  to  have  been  made  upon  his  resolution 
of  inquiry  into  the  state  of  the  public  defences, 
upon  this  point  is  conclusive  and  unanswerable. 
Extend  your  jurisdiction  over  American  citizens 
in  Oregon,  and  it  necessarily  comes  in  conflict 
with  the  British  jurisdiction  over  the  same  terri- 
tory. And  this  conflict  of  jurisdiction  will  inevit- 
ably bring  on  a  conflict  of  a  dificrent  and  more 
serious  character. 

Your  settlers  have  gone  to  Oregon  under  the  im- 
plied jdedgc  of  your  protection.  Your  continued 
claim  of  right  to  the  territory  has  justified  them  in 
going  there,  ard  in  expecting  to  receive  the  bene- 
fitig  of  your  legislation,  and  to  be  covered  by  the 
shield  of  your  power.  Will  you  continue  to  deny 
them  a  title  to  their  lands?  You  cannot  grant  it 
while  the  convention  remains  in  force;  and  hence 
the  necessity  of  its  abrogation. 

The  question,  then,  must  be  settled,  matters 
must  be  brought  to  a  crisis — not  necessarily  or 


even  probably  to  a  warlike  crisis,  but  to  a  crisis' 
It  must  be  met.  Great  Britain  is  monopoli/.ing 
the  whole  trade  of  that  country.  Her  represent- 
ative there  is  the  Hudson  Buy  Company.  She  ia 
ready  to  adopt  the  acts  of  that  corporation,  for 
corporations  are  t!ie  favorite  in -trumcnts  of  Brit- 
ish aggression,  and  for  the  extension  of  her 
power.  The  Hudson  Bay  Company,  then,  and 
the  British  Government,  are,  for  nil  the  i)urpose3 
of  this  debate,  one  and  identical.  They  have  mo- 
noiioli/icd  the  trade  of  the  country;  thry  have  sub- 
sidized the  Indians;  the  half-Iiri'Cfls  arc  under 
their  control;  they  have  military  possession,  not 
only  between  the  Columbia  river  and  the  parallel 
of  forty-nine  degrees,  (which  is  the  territory  ac. 
tually  in  dispute,)  but  they  have  bnmght  down 
their  inililary  posts  to  v/illiin  thirty  miles  of  the 
southern  boundary  of  the  American  claim  in  Ore- 
gon. Look  at  Fort  Hall,  It  is  directly  on  the 
route  of  American  cmigrati(m  to  Oregon;  com- 
manding that  route;  and  from  which  (we  'Mve  it 
authentically)  the  British  emissaries  have,  during 
th(!  last  summer,  met  our  emigrants,  and  liave  at- 
tempted, and  in  many  instances  successfully  at- 
temjilcd,  to  divert  thein  into  California  and  that 
direction,  by  false  accounts  of  Indian  hostilities  on 
the  lower  Cidumliia.  Fort  Hall  is  within  thirty 
miles  of  the  southern  boundary  of  Oregon.  They 
have  thus  not  only  got  the  whole  of  the  territory 
actually  in  dispute,  but  they  have  got  military  pos- 
session of  the  whole  of  it;  and  if,  in  order  to  assert 
our  rights,  we  must  tear  down  the  cross  of  St. 
George  from  thirty  British  forts,  as  the  gentleman 
from  South  Carolina  says  we  must,  we  had  better 
begin  immediately,  or  we  will  have  double  that 
number  soon;  they  have  got  the  whole  of  them; 
wc  have  none  there. 

"  But,"  say  gentlemen,  "  all  this  will  result  in 
war."  War!  By  whom?  By  the  United  States  ? 
Wc  begin  no  war;  we  declare  no  war;  we  propose 
no  war;  we  deprecate  all  war;  but  we  assert  our 
rights — rights  which  we  have  demonstrated,  so  far 
as  diplomacy  can  do  it.  Gretit  Britain  has  taken 
military  possession  of  the  country,  alike  open  to 
us  and  to  her;  and  if  war  come  from  the  assertion 
of  our  rights,  we  will  not  make  it.  I  deny  the  po- 
sition of  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  that 
the  war — if  war  come — will  be  a  war  of  aggression 
on  our  part.  It  is  not  so.  It  would  be  a  war  of 
aggression  on  her  part;  and  on  her  would  rest  the 
responsibility;  upon  her  the  judgment  of  God 
and  the  anathemas  of  the  world. 

What  do  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  propose  to 
do  ?  The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr. Wix- 
TFiRop]  has  hinted  at  arbitration.  Very  well;  can- 
not we  arbitrate  as  well  after  the  notice  as  before  ? 
But  I,  for  one,  do  not  propose  to  submit  the  ques- 
tion to  arbitration.  Is  it  possible  for  a  crowned 
head  to  be  impartial  between  a  brother  monarch  on 
the  one  hand  and  a  Republic  on  the  other?  Doubt- 
ful, sir.  But  suppose  it  possible;  where  will  you 
look  for  an  impartial  arbitrator?  Louis  Philinpe, 
regardless  of  the  sympathies  of  his  people,  ana  in- 
tent only  on  the  perpetuation  of  his  dynasty  on  the 
throne  of  France,  is  sacrificing  the  (lignity  of  his 
nation  in  the  cultivation  of  a  "cordial  understand- 
ing" with  her  ancient  enemy,  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  her  influence  in  favor  of  that  dynasty  on 
his  own  demise.  Austria  and  Prussia,  dreading  the 
ambition  of  France  on  the  west,  and  the  colossal 


• 


powrrof  Rnssinon  the  nnit1i,aro pursuing; the  ynme 
policy;  utid  llussiii  licr.sdf,  having  largo  territory  on 
the  northwest  coast  of  America,  cannot  be  imjuir- 
tial,  f)r  tiie  reason  that  she  must  greatly  prefer  the 
Britisli  fur-trndcr  and  tlie  Boisbnile  for  her  neigii- 
bor,  rather  than  the  active,  enteriirising,  indefatiga- 
ble, and  inultiplving  Yankee.  The  secondary  Pow- 
ers of  Europe  are  but  puppets  in  tiie  hands  of  tlie 
five  great  Powers;  and  the  Republics  of  Mexico  and 
South  America  are  in  convulsions.  I  know  of  no 
arbiter,  therefore,  to  which  the  udjuslment  of  this 
question  could  be  safely  committed.  We  once  tried 
this  project  of  urbitrution,  sir,  in  tlie  cukc  of  tlie 
northeastern  boundary;  and  the  award  of  the  King 
of  the  Netherlands  presented  a  decision  so  utterly 
regardless  of  treaty  stipulations,  and  so  ab.surd  in 
itself,  as  to  be  instantly  rejected.  We,  sir,  are  our- 
selves the  best  guardians  of  our  own  rights. 

What  do  gentlemen  expect?  let  me  again  ask.  Do 
you  expect  your  Government  will  oflcr  anything 
more  favorable  than  the  parallel  of  49°.  Where  is 
the  gentleman  in  this  House  that  will  get  up  and 
say  that  he  expects  or  wishes  his  Government  to 
oflcr  anything  more  favorable  than  that  ?  There  is 
not  one,  I  venture  to  say;  not  one.  Is  Great  Brit- 
ain going  to  offer  anything  more  favorable  than  she 
has  already  done  ?  Is  she  going  to  ofler  anything 
we  can  reasonably  and  consistently  with  our  honor 
accept?  If  so,  she  can  and  will  do  it  as  well  and 
as  nadily  after  the  abrogation  of  the  convention  as 
while  it  remains  in  force;  and,  I  have  ahetidy  re- 
marked, she  cannot  justly  take  ofl'ence  at  the  notice; 
because  it  is  a  treaty  measure,  anticipated  and  pro- 
vided for  by  the  convention  it.self.  But,  sir,  she 
never  will  make  any  such  ofler,  while,  by  the  con- 
tinuance of  this  convention,  she  gets  all  she  asks: 
nei'f?'.  Abrogate  the  convention;  then,  if  she  has 
made  up  lier  mind — and  she  doubtless  has  long  ago 
made  up  her  mind  specifically  what  she  is  going  to 
do  on  this  subject — abrogate  the  convention,  and 
then  if  she  has  made  uplier  mind  to  ofler  sucli  terms 
as  wc  can  accept,  she  will  do  it,  and  do  it  at  once. 
But  if  not — if  slie  has  not  made  up  her  mind  that 
she  will  offer  wi  ,y  thing  we  can  accept — give  this 
notice,  abrogate  tins  convention;  and  does  it  bring 
war?  No;  the  very  worst  it  can  do  is  to  hasten  a 
little — and  but  very  little — the  war  which  must 
come  at  all  events.  I  repeat,  if  Great  Britain  has 
made  up  her  mind  that  she  will  not  offer  anything 
we  can  accept,  we  having  irrevocibly  determined 
(as  we  have)  that  we  will  not  offer  anything 
better  than  49°,  the  notice  cannot  produce  war;  the 
worst  it  can  do  is  to  hasten,  and  hasten  a  very  lit- 
tle, the  war  that  is  inevitable.  So  that,  unless 
gentlemen  shall  conclude  to  recede  from  our  po- 
sition, to  offer  something  more  favorable  to  her 
than  49°,  (when  all  feel  that  we  have  a  better 
title  than  she  has  to  54°  40',)  we  must  meet  the 
question  directly;  and  war,  either  directly  or  con- 
eequentially,  cannot  be  chargeable  upon  us — for  it 
must  come  at  al'  events. 

"  But,"  say  gentlemen,  '•  postpone  it.  We  are 
not  ready  now.  Great  Britain  has  fleets  and  ar- 
maments." Well,  fleets  and  armaments  she  al- 
ways will  have.  "We  have  no  fleets  and  arma- 
ments." Well;  when  have  we  ever  had  fleets 
and  armaments  before  war  came?  Is  there  any 
gentleman  upon  this  floor  who  dreams  that  we 
ever  shall  be  ready  for  a  vigorous  prosecution  of 
war  before  it  is  upon  us  ?    If  so,  it  strikes  me  that 


he  has  studied  with  little  attention  the  history  of 
the  country  on  this  point.  We  have  hoard  gen- 
tlemen talk  of  our  "  manifest  destiny;"  but  it 
strikes  me  that  our  "  manifest  destiny"  is  never  to 
prepare  for  war  till  war  comes.  It  arises  from  the 
character  of  our  institutions — from  the  character 
and  habits  of  our  people,  who  arc  a  peace-loving 
people  and  devoted  to  the  industrious  j)ursuit  of 
the  arts  of  peace.  But  a  few  days  ago  there  was 
introduced  Irom  the  Senate  into  this  House  a  bill 
to  raise  a  company  of  one  hundred  men — of  one 
hundred  sappers,  miners,  and  ])ontoniers — with  a 
view  to  comjilete  the  mere  skeleton  organization  of 
our  army,  which  proposed  to  create  no  additional 
expense  for  our  army;  and  yet  I  ventuie  to  say 
that  it  will  be  opposed  here,  and  perhaps  success- 
fully. The  Committee  on  Mihtary  Affairs,  of 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  a  member,  reported 
a  few  days  since  a  bill  for  the  raising  of  two  regi- 
ments of  riflemen,  (not  mounted;)  and  on  all  .sides 
of  the  House  I  heard  the  exclamation,  "  I  go  for 
no  sucli  measure."  That  is  the  spirit  that  pre- 
vails here.  It  always  will  prevail.  You  never 
will  prepare  fur  war  until  war  is  upon  you;  and 
you  may  postpone  it  until  "  hope  deferred"  shall 
have  made  sick  the  hearts  of  your  settlers,  and 
worn  out  their  allegiance,  and  still  war  will 
find  us  unprepared.  Shall  wc  therefore  surren- 
der our  rights?  Shall  we  therefore  expect  dis- 
aster and  defeat '  No.  We  may  experience 
it  at  first;  but  the  recuperative  energies  of  our 
people,  animated  by  their  undying  love  of  coun- 
try, their  attachment  to  its  institutions,  their 
determination  to  maintain  inviolate  every  foot  of 
our  soil — having  within  them  a  burning  hatred  of 
the  tyrannies  of  the  Old  World,  from  the  galling 
bonds  of  which  their  forefathers  freed  themselves — 
will  be  suflicient  to  meet  and  to  bear  us  triumph- 
antly out  of  any  emergencies.  But  that  we  shall 
ever  be  prepared  for  war  in  a  manner  to  accord 
with  the  notions  of  adequate  preparation  entertain- 
ed by  military  men,  or  in  such  a  manner  as  true 
prudence  would  perhaps  dictate,  until  war  actually 
stares  us  in  the  face,  no  man  can  believe.  We 
shall  therefore  gain  nothing,  in  this  respect,  by- 
postponement — nothing  at  all. 

But,  said  the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Hun- 
ter,] before  you  think  of  war,  you  must  think  of 
tracking  Great  Britain  with  a  stream  of  fire  and 
blood  around  the  world;  you  must  meet  her  on  ev- 
ery sea,  and  in  all  her  possessions — all  her  colonies, 
from  Aden  to  the  Ionian  Isles,  from  India  to  the 
Lord  knows  where.  Wc  must  exhaust  and  conquer 
British  power  every  where,  before  we  can  expect  to 
take  or  to  keep  either  Oregon  or  Canada.  Well, 
now,  I  believe  in  no  such  doctrine  as  that.  His- 
tory teaches  no  such  doctrine;  it  leads  us  to  no 
such  conclusion.  Great  Britain  deprived  France 
of  all  her  colonial  possessions;  she  left  Napoleon 
without  a  solitary  colony  on  the  face  of  the  globe; 
she  confined  him  to  the  continent  of  Europe;  and 
at  that  very  time  he  rode  triumphant  and  irresisti- 
ble over  that  continent,  and  trampled  in  the  dust 
the  subsidized  allies  of  the  imperial  pirate.  Why? 
Because  there  were  all  his  resources.  Great  Brit- 
ain may  keep  her  Chusan,  her  India,  her  Mediter- 
ranean possessions;  she  may  keep  them  all.  Does 
it  follow  that  we  cannot  beat  her  on  this  continent? 
It  does  not;  for  here  are  our  resources,  and  hers 
are  distant. 


?i 


4 


he  history  of 
c  hcanl  gcn- 
;iny;"  but   it 
^"  is  never  to 
isc'S  from  the 
the  rliuructer 
peace-loving 
UH  pursuit  of 
:\j^o  tliere  wna 
House  n  bill 
men — of  one 
nicrK — with  a 
rgnnization  of 
no  additional 
cntuie  to  say 
haps  success- 
ry  "Affairs,  of 
nljcr,  reported 
ig  of  two  regi- 
id  on  all  sides 
on,  "  I  go  for 
pirit  that  pre- 
,     You  never 
pon  you;  and 
Icfeirtd"  shall 
r  settlers,  and 
still   war    will 
jrefore  surren- 
re  expect  dis- 
ixy    experience 
icrgics   of  our 
love  of  coun- 
titutions,   their 
!  every  foot  of 
•ning  hatred  of 
pm  the  galling 
d  themselves — 
ar  us  triumph- 
that  we  shall 
mer  to  accord 
ition  entertain- 
naniier  as  true 
war  actually 
believe.     We 
lis  respect,  by 

nia,[Mr.HuN- 
must  think  of 

am  of  fire  and 

leet  her  on  ev- 
1  her  colonies, 

m  India  to  the 

ist  and  conquer 
can  expect  to 

anada.  Well, 
s  that.     His- 

eads  us  to  no 
jrived  France 
left  Napoleon 
e  of  the  globe; 

f  Europe;  and 
t  and  irresisti- 
ed  in  the  dust 
pirate.  Why? 
.  Great  Brit- 
.,  her  Mediter- 
liem  all.  Does 
this  continent.' 
rces,  and  hers 


'•  But,"  say  gentlemen,  '*  this  battle  for  Oregon, 
if  it  come  at  all,  is  to  be  fought  in  Canada."  I  be- 
lieve it;  and  I  am  glad  that  Great  Britain  has,  in 
the  prcRent  conjuncture,  an  assailable  point  here, 
where  wo  can  reach  her  with  effect.  And  the 
gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Yancky]  takes 
especial  pains  to  arouse  the  jealousy  of  western 
men  by  telling  us  that  *'  we  will  get  Canada,  and 
then  Oregon  must  be  given  up."  Now,  does  any 
man  suppose  that  the  present  Administration,  or 
that  any  Administration  possible,  holding  Canada 
as  a  conquered  pledge,  would  give  up  Oregon?  I 
do  not,  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  a  man  in  the 
Unitrd  States,  capable  of  being  elected  President — 
or  of  getting  there  either  by  "  accident,"  as  has 
been  said  of  one,  or  "  by  the  grace  of  God" — who 
would  be  either  such  a  fool  or  such  a  knave.  It  is 
impossible.  Take  Canada,  and  Oregon  would  fall 
into  our  hands  as  a  matter  of  course.  But  1  do  not 
apprehend  any  difficulty  of  this  kind.  1  believe 
that  Great  BriUiin  withholds  an  amicable  settlement 
because  slie  is  satisfied  with  her  present  position. 
Abrogate  the  present  convention:  throw  your  laws 
over  your  citizens  in  that  territory,  and  manifest  a 
disposition  to  assert  and  maintain  your  rights  there, 
ond  then  she  will  conic  up  to  the  work  of  negotia- 
tion and  settlement  in  earnest.  Slie  is  vulnerable, 
and  she  knows  it,  as  well  as  we,  War  would  bring 
to  her  calamities  as  great  as  it  would  to  us,  and 
greater.  We  can  live  without  her:  she  cannot  with- 
out us.  We  can  do  without  her  manufactures,  and 
have  use  for  none  of  lier  raw  material;  she  depends 
upon  our  raw  material  for  her  manufactures;  it  is 
the  very  breath  of  her  existence,  and  without  it  her 
people  would  die  from  starvation.  Where,  then, 
IS  our  fear  of  war?  I  have  none;  and  yet  I  am  no 
advocate  for  war.  God  knows,  I  appreciate  its  hor- 
rors as  keenly  as  any  man  that  lives;  for  my  very 
earliest  recollections  are  of  the  scenes  war  brings — 
the  tears  of  the  young  wife,  of  the  mother,  of  the  sis- 
ter; the  partings  which  break  young  hearts.  These 
I  remember,  and  I  have  no  wish,  as  God  is  my 
judge,  to  see  them  repeated.  But  yet,  looking  war 
calmly  in  the  face,  I  say,  *'  Be  just  and  fear  not." 
I  know  the  consequences  whicn  may  result,  per- 
haps, (only  perhaps,  sir) — I  know,  and  I  should 
deprecate  the  consequences  which  may  perhaps  re- 
sult from  the  vigorous  assertion  of  American  rights. 
War,  if  it  should  be  the  result,  would  bring  with  it 
the  destruction  of  trade,  heavy  taxation,  heavy 
losses,  the  necessity  of  personal  services  and  sacri- 
fices. You  and  1,  perhaps,  might  be  called  to 
leave  the  peaceful  walks  of  civil  life,  and  to  parti- 
cipate in  the  hardships  and  the  dangers  of  the  camp 
and  of  the  tented  field.  What  then?  Are  we  Ame- 
ricans ?  Are  we  the  descendants  of  men  cotempo- 
rary  with  the  youth  of  the  venerable  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts ?  or  are  we  the  cow^ardly,  cra- 
ven wretches,  that  would  not  dare  to  do  what  our 
feeble  colonies  (altogether  not  equal  in  strength  to 
the  single  State  of  New  York  at  this  moment)  did 
—-assert  and  maintain  our  rights?  I  think  not. 
That  is  not  the  spirit  of  the  people  I  have  the  ho- 
nor to  represent.  I  have  not  them  before  me,  but 
I  have  in  my  room,  resolutions  deliberately  adopt- 
ed by  a  recent  convention  of  that  part  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Ohio  with  whom  I  act  politically,  declaring 
the  expectations  they  have  of  the  action  of  their 
representatives  here,  for  the  vigorous  maintenance 
of  our  rights  to  Oregon,  and  pledging  «« their  lives, 


their  fortunes,  and  their  sarred  honor*'  (such  is  the 
language  used)  to  sustain  them.  Sir,  we  do  not 
want  war,  l)ut  if  we  must  have  it,  we  would  a 
great  deal  rather  fight  Great  Britain  than  some 
other  Powers,  for  we  do  not  love  her.  We  hear 
much  said  nbrut  the  ties  op  our  comnlkm  language, 
of  our  common  origin,  and  our  eonunon  recollec- 
tions, binding  us  together.  But  1  say  we  do  not 
love  Great  Britain  at  all;  at  least  my  people  do  not, 
and  I  do  not. 

A  "  common  language  !"  It  has  been  made  the 
vehicle  of  an  incessant  torrent  of  abuse  and  mis- 
representation of  our  men,  our  manners,  and  our 
insiitutions;  and  even  our  women — it  might  be  vul- 
gar lo  designate  our  plebeian  girl.°!  as  ladlcx — have 
not  escaped  it;  and  all  this  is  popular,  and  is  en- 
couraged in  high  jilaces.  We  have  a  '*  common 
origin  !"  though,  perhaps,  numerically,  one-half 
of  the  people  of  this  country  are  not  English  by 
descent;  but  a  "  common  origin"  did  not  prevent 
that  infamous  power  from  employing  the  savage 
to  tomahawk  our  old  men,  to  scalp  our  women, 
and  to  brain  our  infants,  and  from  paying  them  for 
these  barbarous  deeds  and  infernal  Irojihies.  The 
British  Government,  (against  the  British  people  I 
have  no  animosity,)  I  confess,  I  do  not  love;  and 
while,  for  the  sake  of  the  British  per.  ile,  and  of  my 
own  country,  I  would  avoid  war,  yet,  if  war  must 
come,  let  her  be  our  enemy  by  all  means. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  been  led  off  upon 
these  points,  not  because  I  conceive  them  to  be 
necessarily  connected  with  the  discussion,  but  be* 
cause  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  have  lugged 
them  in,  and  attempted  to  frighten  us  from  giving 
this  notice;  and  when  I  reply  to  them  as  I  have 
done — and  in  so  doing,  I  speak,  I  am  persuaded, 
the  sentiments  of  the  ])co])le  of  Ohio — I  do  it  to 
show  that  no  such  considerations  can  move  us,  and 
for  no  other  purpose. 

Mr.  B.  concluded  by  repeating,  as  he  had  stated 
at  the  outset  of  his  remarks,  that  he  had  risen  for 
the  purpose  of  saying  but  a  few  words.  He  was 
not  in  the  predicament  of  the  gendeman  from 
Michigan,  (Mr.  Chipman,)  who  felt  that  the  hour* 
rule  was  an  intellectual  straight-jacket;  and  having 
said  all  that  now  occurred  to  his  mind,  begging  the 
pardon  of  the  House  for  having  occupied  so  much 
of  its  time,  he  would  yield  the  floor  to  some  of 
those  around  him,  who  were  so  anxious  to  dislin,' 
guish  themselves  in  the  rising  en  masse  which  waa 
sure  to  follow  his  conclusion. 


APPENDIX. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  3d  article  of  tho 
convention  with  Great  Britain,  of  20th  Octoberi 

1818: 

"AKTiri.E  Iir.  It  is  agreed  th.it  nny  country  that  may  ho 
claimed  by  citlier  party  on  tlie  northwest  coast  of  America, 
westward  of  tlio  i^tony  rnountuins, shall,  togetlier  with  its  har-' 
bors,  bays,  and  creeks,  and  the  navijsation  of  all  rivers  w;ith- 
in  the  same,  be  free  and  open,  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from 
the  date  of  the  signature  of  the  present  convention,  to  thfl 
vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  Powers— it  being 
well  understood  that  this  agreement  is  not  to  be  construed  to 
the  prejudice  of  any  claim  which  either  of  the  two  liigh 
contracting  parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  the  said  coun- 
try ;  nor  sliall  it  be  taken  to  alTect  the  claims  of  any  other 
Power  or  State  to  any  part  of  the  said  country;  the  only  ob- 
ject of  the  high  contracting  parties,  in  that  respect,  being 
to  urcvent  disputes  and  diffareucea  amongst  themselves."  , 


8 


And  the  fdllowing  is  a  copy  of  tlic  1st,  2d,  and 
3d  aitii'Ics  of  tlic  coiiveiitioii  of  the  Gth  of  Au^'uat, 
1827,  which  compriKi;  nil  the  existing  tn-iily  stipu- 
latioiiH  lit  pr('sc;nt  (ixistinj^  between  Great  Briliiiii 
tiii.'l  tlie  United  States  on  tlu:  siihjeet  of  tlie  Oref;on: 

'■  Xktk.'lk  I.  All  the  ("'"Virions  (if  lli(!  .'fdartirle  ot'iliecdn- 
vt'ntioii  coricliKlfd  lictwccn  tin?  T'niti'd  Stat''s  nl'  Aiinii>a 
aiul  liH  Mnii'Klv  IIm;  Kiii},'  nf  tlio  I'liltfd  Kinu'ddin  ul'  Crcat 
Uritain  and  Iridand,  on  tlif  SOtli  of  Ociobcr.  1H1H,  shall  ho, 
and  they  anr  lit-rcliy,  further  iiidrfinitcly  cxlfudcd  and  con- 
tinui'd  in  fiiici',  in  tiif  sanii'  i.ii'niii  r  as  if  all  the  pruvitiionti  of 
tho  s:iid  urlielo  were  herein  spieilicaily  rceiteu. 


" AllTlci.K  1  (.  It  ilmll  Ic  romjivtcnt,  hovrffr,  to  rith"r  of  ihfl 
pontrnctin!;  partii'H,  in  rase  either  f<hcmld  think  fit,  at  any 
time  al^T  tlie  yOlh  of  Oetidier,  |H!H,  on  (.'ivini!  due  notii-n 
of  twelve  nionltiH  to  tlu'  other  eontraetiiiK  party,  lo  annul 
uiul  iMotiulc  litis  convcnlioti;  and  it  Hhall,  in  Biieli  ea«e,  be 
aceordiMHly  entirely  annulled  uiul  abrogated  alter  tlio  ex- 
|iiriition  of  said  term  of  notice. 

"Ahtui.e  mi.  Nothintt  contained  in  this  convention,  or  In 
the  third  article  of  the  eonventiiin  (if  Uk-  'Jilth  Oetoher,  1HI8, 
lii>r(  by  eontiniied  in  force,  shall  be  c()ll^'trned  to  impair,  or 
in  any  manner  atfcci,  the  elairnK  which  eith(!r  of  tlit;  eoti- 
tractini;  partiitH  may  liav(-  to  any  part  of  the  country  went' 
ward  of  the  ritony  or  llueky  inoutitainu." 


T 


,torith'!rofthfl 
hitik  fit,  nt  any 
v\\\e  <lti''  noficf 
party,  lo  tmnul 
1  Kiicli  I'lwt',  l>e 

(1    lltltT    Ull!  fx- 

:()nvention,orin 
h  (U'tolicr,  1H18, 
rd  to  iiiipiiir,  111' 
;li(ir  of  tlu!  <on- 
i;  country  woil- 


